By Ato Kwamena Onoma
Utilizing comparative instances from Guinea, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, this research explains why a few refugee-hosting groups release large-scale assaults on civilian refugees whereas others chorus from such assaults even if inspired to take action through kingdom officers. Ato Kwamena Onoma argues that those assaults take place the place governments instigate them due to hyperlinks among a couple of refugees and significant competition teams within the host state. there's an expanding tendency for students to target militarized refugees and consider refugees as propagators, rather than sufferers, of violence. Onoma reorients the learn of refugees again to a spotlight at the disempowered civilian refugees that represent nearly all of refugees even in instances of serious refugee militarization, and gives feedback for broader figuring out of and coverage innovations for refugee politics and violence.
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Additional info for Anti-Refugee Violence and African Politics
Their concentration in this sector, which has been noted by Jacobson,15 means that they lack the protections and benefits that participation in formal sectors brings. Similarly, the injunction against refugee participation in the politics of host communities makes it hard for them to organize in pursuit of their interests. Instead, on those occasions when they get involved in local politics, they most often become the instruments of powerful local actors who manipulate them in exchange for paltry favors.
Jackson, Quasi states: sovereignty international relations and the Third World (New York: 32 Anti-Refugee Violence and African Politics literature is that many African states lack the capacity to do much beyond the occasional exercise of brute force in areas of their territory. How do we reconcile this idea of the weakness of some African states to the claim that the protection of the state is sufficient to prevent generalized antirefugee attacks by locals? I argue that even if African states were weak (and this is a contentious claim that deserves ongoing debate), their offer of protection to refugees would be sufficient to prevent generalized anti-refugee attacks by the local population.
98 (November 2003). ” My own work in Guinea and Ghana revealed evidence of many locals posing as refugees to accrue benefits that were otherwise reserved for refugees. Both refugees and locals admitted to this. ” Introduction 23 agencies and is done to accrue benefits. Ethnographic immersion can contribute to convincing research subjects that the researcher is not a humanitarian worker. It is never certain that the researcher will be able to convince everyone no matter how long she spends in the field, and research subjects have good reasons to doubt researchers’ efforts at distancing themselves from humanitarian workers.