New PDF release: Constitutionalism and Dictatorship: Pinochet, the Junta, and

By Robert Barros

It's largely believed that autocratic regimes can't restrict their energy via associations in their personal making. This publication offers a stunning problem to this view. It demonstrates that the Chilean defense force have been limited by way of associations in their personal layout. in keeping with vast documentation of army decision-making, a lot of it lengthy labeled and unavailable, this ebook reconstructs the politics of associations in the fresh Chilean dictatorship (1973–1990). It examines the structuring of associations on the apex of the army junta, the connection of army rule with the past structure, the intra-military conflicts that resulted in the promulgation of the 1980 structure, the common sense of associations inside the new structure, and the way the structure restricted the army junta after it went into strength in 1981. This provocative account unearths the traditional account of the dictatorship as a personalist regime with energy focused in Pinochet to be grossly erroneous.

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More recent contributions can be found in Childers and Caplan 1993, and Mommsen 1997. For a similar perspective, see Kershaw 1997. 12 Dictatorship, Legality, Institutional Constraints regime type. Notwithstanding these differences, power in both regime types remains formally unlimited. ” Whether totalitarian or authoritarian, authoritarian power is institutionally unlimited. This same conception is found in writings on the “new” or “bureaucratic” authoritarianism and transitions to democracy in Latin America.

There exists no norm applicable to chaos. ” See, for example, Loewenstein 1951; Sartori 1962; Bonime-Blanc 1987; Shain and Linz 1995, 11–14; and Smith 1996. 14 Dictatorship, Legality, Institutional Constraints do these practices limit the machinery of the state and contain its activity within preestablished legal and constitutional bounds. 7 In contrast to “normative” constitutions which guarantee rights and structure a frame for democratic competition and government, Loewenstein distinguishes “nominal” and “semantic” constitutions.

Still, it is important to draw out the difference between material and political constraints and institutional limits because references to the former may lead readers to erroneously think that limited authoritarianism is relatively unproblematic. The distinction is even more significant because some writers have confused the two types of constraints to argue that autocrats can in fact effectively bind themselves. ” At one point, he noticeably confuses institutional limits and political and material constraints to minimize the theoretical problem posed by Hobbes.

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