By Valerie Hope
Human frailty and mortality impression the constitution and functioning of all societies; questions of ways the ancients coped with their very own mortality, how they sought to categorise and regulate the reasons of demise, and the way they handled the demise and the useless, are as a result important to any knowing of antiquity. This cutting edge quantity attracts upon fresh examine in archaeology, historical historical past, and the background of medication to guage these types of concerns. It addresses a variety of subject matters, together with perspectives of old disorder causation; private and non-private healthiness measures; how the common and concrete setting affected the wellbeing and fitness of the person; how the town used to be organised to guard the health and wellbeing and safeguard of the dwelling; and the way the dwelling sought safeguard from the polluting impact of either the diseased and the useless. Lucid and available, this paintings is the 1st to unite the examine of demise and affliction in antiquity, supplying precious insights into how those elements formed the traditional urban. it is going to attraction not just to classical students and scholars, yet to all these attracted to the heritage of dying and disorder.
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Extra resources for Death and Disease in the Ancient City (Routledge Classical Monographs)
Example text
4 The lack of anatomical detail is not the result of ignorance, since a basic knowledge of anatomy is already reflected in Homer’s descriptions of wounds in the Iliad (even if little advance was made thereafter until the application of dissection in the early Hellenistic period); it must therefore be a matter of deliberate choice. 26 DEATH AND DISEASE IN THE ANCIENT CITY Vagueness about anatomical and clinical particulars is paralleled by the very general language in which the disease of civil strife is described.
DEATH AND DISEASE IN CYRENE 17 recuperation both because he was responsible for the foundation of the city and because he is a medical god. The way in which Pindar conflates these two roles, namely Apollo’s establishment of cities and healing, gives a further indication of how governing is represented in terms of curing. Throughout his fourth and fifth Pythian odes, Pindar describes Apollo both as the founder of Cyrene and as a god of medicine. In his fourth Pythian, Pindar says that Apollo brought the Theran settlers to Libya (line 259).
17; Thgn. 39–52), they do not represent the sickness which falls on the city as a punishment of Athens or Megara at large. Indeed, the sickness of civil strife is never, I think, presented as sent by the gods, or as a judgement on the body suffering it, or as a reflection of general corruption. Il. 384–92; Hes. WD 225–47; Hom. Od. 109–14). It would not be surprising if there remained in Greek minds in later periods a residual concern that the moral character of their leaders might carry risks for the city at large, as Parker argues (1983:265–71), but it is far from clear that this carries implications of pollution or contagion, as Connor (1985: esp.
