New PDF release: Gender politics in Asia: women manoeuvring within dominant

By Wil Burghoorn

This quantity brings jointly a powerful array of the world over famous students from all over the world to envision the various points of gender politics in Asia. Its relevant quandary is how ladies in quite a few gendered contexts in Asia place themselves within the (re)production of gender family members, and the way they manoeuver on the way to safeguard or modify those. It covers fields as diverse because the use of gown as a political weapon, the perform of therapeutic as an oblique problem to the dominant gender and political orders, and spiritual ordination as a fight for fairness in Buddhism.

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Additional resources for Gender politics in Asia: women manoeuvring within dominant gender orders

Sample text

Lobbying for women’s equality seemed less ‘modern’ if the lobbyist was dressed in a terno and a pañuelo. In actual fact, the Filipino woman had come a long way. Filipino women began to enter universities in 908. By 99 they were founding their own women’s universities. Women also became professionals before they won the vote in 937. Women were already doctors, lawyers, deans of faculties at universities, and businesswomen. Suffrage enabled them to enter the last frontier – politics. But the suffragists’ decision to wear national dress had consequences for the history of women and the feminist movement.

Since the Chico Dam protest, it has been used in the Maiinit village in the Bontoc Mountain Province against the Benguet Corporation (the biggest gold-mining company there), where women undressed to stop the surveyors (interview with Vernie Yocogan-Diano 2003; ResurrecionSayo 2004: 222–223). The Cordillera ‘victory’ had an impact way beyond the specific protest against the Chico Dam because it has since inspired the women’s movement. The story of the Kalinga women’s undressing to shame the military is reproduced in a children’s book published by GABRIELA whose text was based on the oral testimonies of the Kalinga protesters themselves (Cariño and Villanueva 995).

In this case, it was more strategic to subsume one’s personal identity. Even after the restoration of democratic institutions in 986, Filipino nuns remain strategic about the habit, using it when they need to present the collective identity of the Catholic Church and discarding it when it becomes more effective in their vocation to assume personal identities as leaders in the women’s movement. The nuns, however, were not only political activists; they were also among the first leaders (along with the women’s organizations) of secondwave feminism in the Philippines.

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