By John Dunn
This research presents a complete reinterpretation of the which means of Locke's political suggestion. John Dunn restores Locke's principles to their designated context, and so stresses the old query of what Locke within the Treatises of presidency used to be meaning to declare. via adopting this strategy, he unearths the predominantly theological personality of all Locke's wondering politics and gives a powerful research of the improvement of Locke's notion. In a polemical concluding part, John Dunn argues that liberal and Marxist interpretations of Locke's politics have did not snatch his that means. Locke emerges as now not simply a contributor to the advance of English constitutional concept, or as a reflector of socio-economic switch in seventeenth-century England, yet as basically a Calvinist traditional theologian.
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Extra resources for The Political Thought of John Locke: An Historical Account of the Argument of the 'Two Treatises of Government'
Example text
By the way, I would advise against giving it a name, but this also does not depend on me. The matter gains a reputation by means of the work and not the name—moreover, the Schlegelian names are not helpful, they ought to realize this. J. G. Fichte/F. W. J. Schelling: Correspondence 1800–1802 31 Censeo, please burn this letter straight after reading it and do not tell anyone about it. With pure love and respect, F. 8. Schelling in Bamberg to Fichte in Berlin, end of September 180045 [Lost] 9. Fichte in Berlin to Schelling, October 3, 1800 Berlin, 3rd October, 1800.
I commend myself to your enduring good will and am, with deepest respect, Yours, Schelling. J. G. Fichte/F. W. J. Schelling: Correspondence 1800–1802 25 5. Schelling in Bamberg to Fichte in Berlin, September 5, 1800 Bamberg, September 5, 1800. I have waited in vain for a letter from you until today, my deeply revered friend! However, yesterday Schlegel received a letter from Schleiermacher in which the latter mentioned a conservation he had had with you about the new institute. A number of things communicated to me from this letter appear to indicate a misunderstanding, for which I am extremely sorry.
Nevertheless, I still hope to convince you to be a part of Cotta’s plan, and for you to participate in it in a more specific and extensive manner than even what Schlegel had dared to hope. I can assure you that more than three years ago in Leipzig Cotta informed me about his longheld idea of a more liberal institute that would not only review single works but entire disciplines. For this reason he is much more deserving than Unger to be the entrepreneur of this new institute. Without your intervention Unger’s plan would have doubtlessly remained a flimsy narrow-minded product typical of Berlin.
