By M. J. Azevedo
Interpreting clash and battle in Chad from either historical and modern views, Mario Azevedo explores not just how violence has permeated and turn into virtually an intrinsic a part of the cloth of the central-eastern Sudanic societies, yet how overseas interference from centuries in the past to the present-day have exacerbated instead of suppressed the violence. even supposing the most aim of the quantity is to appreciate current Chad, it offers entire and analytical dialogue of Chad's violent earlier. This procedure is going past placing the blame at the unwise and ethnic guidelines at Francois Tombalbaye or Felix Malloum; as an alternative, Roots of Violence clarifies the position of violence in either pre- and post-colonial Chad and, therefore, demythologizes the various assumptions held via students and non-scholars alike.
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Additional resources for The Roots of Violence: A History of War in Chad
Example text
There were instances, however, when the raiders encountered stiff resistance and were forced to turn back. In Bedaya, for example, where resistance was common, Bagirmi Mbang Abou Sekkin surprised the Sara in 1884. Sara Mbang Mougode ordered Chief Ndolbai to play the drums and assemble the militia, which, surprisingly, succeeded in ambushing the sultan. Subsequently, he was forced to return all the slaves he had captured (See Fortier 1976:71). The trip back home, however, caused much suffering among the chained victims.
1986:35). From the small state of Dar Kuti, Al-Sanussi’s raids were highly successful in the nonDar Kuti regions of Northern and Eastern Oubangui-Chari and in the southeastern Chad Basin from the 1880s to 1911. Between 1891 and 1902, the sultan exported between 1,500 and 2,000 slaves yearly (Cordell 1985:104, 111, 122). There were instances, however, when the raiders encountered stiff resistance and were forced to turn back. In Bedaya, for example, where resistance was common, Bagirmi Mbang Abou Sekkin surprised the Sara in 1884.
As a result of its discipline and size, the Wadaian army became the largest and most formidable force in Central Sudan at the turn of the century, a force the state used for subduing various polities and raiding the south for slaves. The powerful kolaks surrounded themselves with a number of functionaries and were protected by well-trained officers, all of whom lived from the resources stolen or exacted as tribute from neighboring weaker societies. Indeed, here: The ruler was surrounded by many dignitaries, each with his own large staff and specialized functions, such as looking after the royal wardrobe, Roots of violence 20 provisioning the palace, or guarding the Islamic manuscripts… The governors [whose major function was to collect taxes and recruit soldiers] had their own courts modelled after that of the sultan but spent most of their time at Ouara [Wara, the previous capital before Abéché replaced it in 1850], where they also had a domestic function at the royal court (Nelson et al.
