By Brian J. McVeigh
Uniforms should not specified to Japan, yet their acceptance there indicates vital linkages: fabric tradition, politico-economic initiatives, physically administration, and the development of subjectivity are all hooked up to the donning of uniforms. This e-book examines what the wearing of uniforms says approximately cultural psychology and the expression of financial nationalism in Japan. Conformity in gown is mainly obvious among scholars, who're required to put on uniforms through most colleges. Drawing on concrete examples, the writer focuses really on pupil uniforms, that are key socializing gadgets in Japan's politico-economic order, but additionally examines "office ladies" (secretaries), "salary men" (white collar workers), provider group of workers, and housewives, who put on a kind of uniformed gown. Arguing that uniforms should be seen as fabric markers of a existence cycle controlled through strong politico-economic associations, he additionally indicates that resistance to respectable nation tasks is expressed through "anti-uniforming" modes of self-presentation.
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Additional resources for Wearing Ideology: State, Schooling and Self-Presentation in Japan (Dress, Body, Culture)
Sample text
At the subunitized level, schools are divided into homerooms (homurûmu; probably the most important organizing unit for students), grades (gakunen) and classes (gakkyû or kumi), which are in turn subdivided into small groups called han (usually five to ten students) for specific tasks. g. workplace, national identity). Consequently, “Japanese schools teach a buttoned-down sense of time and space not unlike what one finds in the military” (Rohlen 1983: 316). As units, companies (especially the bigger ones) express and codify their identity through company traditions and customs (shafû).
Though most Japanese are certainly orderly and polite in a perfunctory sort of way, in Japan the aforementioned situations do possess a degree of “asociality” characterized not by discourtesy but by inattentiveness. It often seems as if public space in Japan is a socially ambiguous “betwixt and between” territory one must put up with, rather than a socially valued space with its own raison d’être (McVeigh 1998a). This asociality is expressed in many ways. ” I do not, however, want to stress the asocial character of public space in Japan too much, since, as I will illustrate later, public space in Japan certainly possesses its own code of behavior and a certain performative value utilized by uniformed students, as well as others.
This may include “insignia of office or rank; clothing; sex, age, and racial characteristics; size and looks; posture; speech patterns; facial expressions; bodily gestures and the like” (1959: 23–4). The second type of “front” is directly linked to self-presentation as it relates to uniform dress. The fourth social categorization is ura, which means back, reverse side, but may refer to anything hidden from public attention, privately allowed and sometimes implies practical, efficient, informal, or flexible.
